Discussing the question of anonymity in
court documents with my friends on the Volokh Conspiracy, I have generally
defended the way the balance is struck in the Netherlands between privacy and
transparency. Free speech is not an issue: there is no law forbidding anyone
from publishing the names of people convicted of a crime. There is merely an
agreed upon custom among the press that people’s surnames are not mentioned. Courts,
in their judgments, also don’t mention the names of the individuals before them
– although they do mention company plaintiffs and defendants by name – but that
is not a free speech problem. Free speech does not require that the government
give you information to talk about.
So that leaves transparency. The logic here
is essentially the same as for Access to Documents legislation. As the EU
legislature put it in recital 2 of Regulation
1049/2001:
Openness enables
citizens to participate more closely in the decision-making process and
guarantees that the administration enjoys greater legitimacy and is more
effective and more accountable to the citizen in a democratic system. Openness
contributes to strengthening the principles of democracy and respect for
fundamental rights as laid down in Article 6 of the EU Treaty and in the
Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
Specifically in the context of court
judgments, it is claimed that transparency allows citizens to know which of their
fellow citizens have done wrong, and that it allows them to scrutinise the work
of the court better. Against this we put the privacy rights of criminals, and
more generally of parties to litigation. We have abolished the pillory as a form of
punishment, and it does not do to recreate it in the press.
Based on these considerations, I have
generally argued that the right balance is struck by giving the press and the
general public free access to the court room – absent special considerations
requiring confidentiality of proceedings – and thus allowing them to see and
report trials in a non-anonymous way. If the public interest requires that the
names of litigants are reported, the press will know these names, and will be
free to make that decision, but I can’t just Google my neighbour to see if he’s
ever been convicted of anything just because I’m nosy.
The reason why I was thinking of this is
the rather curious case of Karel Knip. (His alleged misconduct is at several
removes from the case I’m interested in, so there’s no reason not to mention
his name.) Karel Knip wrote about the
Trafigura case, and did so in a way that noticeably favoured the company in
the middle of what was generally highly bad press. While this might lead the
neutral observer to question his integrity, the District Court in Amsterdam, in
handing down its judgment
in the Trafigura case, went well beyond that and took the highly unusual step
of mentioning this journalist – who, mind, was not a party to the case – in its
judgment. They wrote:
6.10. (...) Trafigura toont daarmee
dat zij geen enkel vertrouwen heeft in de rol van de media en de oprechtheid
van de journalisten, zij het dat zij één uitzondering maakt en dat is voor de
journalist [naam 46]. Hij is de enige die het begrijpt en die - naar de
rechtbank moet aannemen met behulp van informatie van Trafigura - tijdens deze
strafzaak en nà het pleidooi van Trafigura nog eens komt met een artikel waarin
de relatieve onschuld van de slops wordt beschreven.
My translation:
6.10. (…) Trafigura
shows in this way that it has no confidence whatsoever in the role of the media
and the sincerity of journalists, be it that it makes one exception, for the
journalist [name 46]. He is the only one who understands and who – as the court
is supposed to assume with the aid of information provided by Trafigura –
during this criminal trial and after the concluding remarks of Trafigura brings
an article that describes the relative innocence of the slops in question.
(The brackets are the court’s, of course. A
slop is technical jargon for a chemical spill.)
The daily newspaper Trouw noticed this, and
reported about what the court had said. Paraphrasing the judgment, the
newspaper said that the court had questioned Mr. Knip’s integrity. Predictably,
he did not like this characterisation, so he took action against the paper
before the Press Council, an
independent body tasked by the Dutch press with enforcing journalistic best
practice. (Note that it is emphatically not a public law body. Even in the
Netherlands we like to avoid litigating press stories.)
This is where we get to the second unusual
event in this saga. The Council, in examining the complaint, got in touch with
the court, asking it whether the newspaper’s interpretation of the judgment was
correct. The clerk of the court answered that it was a reasonable
interpretation. Upon receiving this answer, Mr. Knip abandoned his case before
the Press Council.
He did wonder, as well he might, why on
earth the clerk of the court replied to this question. So he made a complaint
with the President of the District Court, who backed the clerk, and with the Council
for the Judiciary, the governing body of the Dutch court system. The latter replied that this was not a question of judicial misconduct, but one
of alleged misconduct in the management of the courts, and therefore someone else’s problem.
Given that this is not a very satisfactory
answer, Mr. Knip decided to bring out the big guns by bringing a complaint
under art. 13a of the Judiciary Act (Wet
op de Rechterlijke Organisatie), a new procedure that was only created in
2011. This involves asking the Procureur-General at the Supreme Court, a
magistrate whose independence is guaranteed in the same way as the independence
of judges, and whose job includes, in theory, bringing prosecutions against
members of the government for abuse of office, to petition the Supreme Court
asking that Court to investigate the matter. (Since there has never been a
prosecution against a Minister, the Procureur-General normally spends his days as
the boss of the Advocates-General
at the Supreme Court, joining them in advising the Supreme Court about the
best resolution of the cases before it.)
The Procureur-General granted the request
and brought his petition, and the Supreme Court heard the Amsterdam court at a
hearing in January. (This being a civil law country, there were no spectacular
Law & Order theatrics. Instead, the Amsterdam court made a statement via
counsel, and Mr. Knip declined to make an appearance.)
Last month, the Supreme Court handed down
its judgment in this
case, and it was a doozy. The Amsterdam court was reprimanded severely for
having allowed the clerk to respond to the Press Council’s question, and for supporting the clerk’s decision afterwards. Judges
speak through their judgments, and if any commentary is necessary there is a
judge-spokesperson for every court. And the Supreme Court stressed that even
that person, who is himself a judge, should be careful not to create the
impression that his statements are in any way authoritative. The way the
Amsterdam District Court handled this matter could not have been more wrong.
There is just one odd thing about the
Supreme Court’s judgment. At the top, it is styled: “Judgment in the matter of
the complaint brought by [complainant] against the Board of the District Court of
[A]”, and that same style is maintained throughout. The fact that Mr.
Knip’s name was removed is entirely normal, and in line with Dutch court
practice. The fact that the reference to Amsterdam was also removed is less
normal, and also much less defensible. Not only would the custom with regard to
companies suggest differently, but so would the underlying first principles. If
ever there is a strong case for transparency, it is when the judiciary is
trying to clean its own house.
As it happens, there is only one District
Court that starts with an A, making this case of anonymisation particularly
silly. (There used to be more, but several District Courts were merged in
recent years.) While the board of the court is strictly speaking a group of
individuals, the same goes for the board of a corporation, such as the board of
Trafigura who ended up with their company name printed for all to see in the
jurisprudence. As long as the judges in question don’t end up with their names
printed in the judgment, I don’t see how the normal rules for anonymisation
require that the name of the court be removed from the judgment.
Even if, applying the normal rules, one
were to say that this is a borderline case, surely the public interest in
observing how the judiciary polices itself is greater than the public interest
in transparency normally would be? In other words, the Supreme Court should
have erred on the side of naming the board of the Amsterdam District Court.
In order to remedy that omission, I will
take the liberty of naming the current members of the board. Board members for
courts are appointed for six year terms, so I cannot be sure that these judges
were already on the board at the relevant time, but it will have to do. They
are:
- Mrs. C.T.E. Eradus, President of the Court and chairwoman of the Board;
- Mrs. E. de Rooij, judge-member.
- Mr. Hans Janssen, non-judge member appointed as of 1 April 2013.
This blog post is based on this
Dutch-language story by Hugo Arlman on NJBlog.nl. The opinions expressed here are, of course, my own.
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